When Representative Hakeem Jeffries, the Democratic leader in the House of Representatives, was in Munich in mid-February for the annual international security conference, Representative Michael R. Turner, Republican of Ohio and chairman of the Intelligence Committee, quietly sought him out with a request.
According to those familiar with the private conversation, Mr. Turner told Mr. Jeffries that he was committed to funding Ukraine’s war effort and believed that Speaker Mike Johnson would ultimately put an aid package on the table, despite opposition from the right Republicans at that.
But the Ohioan also felt that it would help strengthen the speaker’s spine if Mr. Jeffries could somehow make it clear that if Mr. Johnson did the right thing, Democrats would not allow him to be deposed rebellious ultra-conservatives, as they had when Kevin McCarthy faced a mutiny last year. Mr Jeffries said he would look into the idea.
About 10 days later, after a Feb. 27 Oval Office meeting with President Biden and congressional leaders, Mr. Jeffries made his move. At a lunch the next day in the Washington bureau of The New York Times, Mr. Jeffries responded to a question by saying that he thought “a reasonable number” of Democrats would save Mr. Johnson if he voted on the relief package and found themselves ousted because of it.
Mr Jeffries has since been careful to point out that his comment was merely an observation and not a commitment. But this finely worded signal is now seen as crucial in strengthening Mr Johnson’s decision to continue funding Ukraine in the face of a promised backlash.
It’s also a proposal that could be tested as early as this week if Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, Republican of Georgia, makes good on her threat to force a vote to impeach Mr. Johnson over the package and several other issues on which she has spoken said ousting the speaker has set the party on a “path of self-inflicted destruction.”
In an interview, Mr. Jeffries said his comment about coming to Mr. Johnson’s aid remained just an observation and that Democrats would likely meet early this week to decide their strategy. He said he knew nothing of Ms Greene’s plans, but added that the fact she was the leader of the rebellion was likely to be to Mr Johnson’s advantage.
“Mike Johnson doesn’t need too many Democratic friends,” Jeffries said. “She’s one of the best things the speaker has to offer because so many people find her insufferable.”
But if Ms. Greene were to make good on her threat to force an early vote to vacate the speaker’s chair, given Mr. Johnson’s slim margin of control in the House, she would only need a few GOP supporters to muster a majority – unless , it’s Democrats banded together to vote against it.
Mr. Jeffries’ spontaneous decision to tell the speaker through the media that it could be a possible lifeline was just one moment in which he played a crucial role in the passage of a final agreement on government spending as well as the long-stalled one Foreign aid measure, which also included funding for Ukraine, played .
Approval was never a sure thing after Mr. McCarthy blindsided Democrats and cut money from a spending deal in September, just hours before federal funding was set to expire.
“This was a difficult situation from the start because there is a large and growing pro-Putin faction within the U.S. Republican Party that was determined to prevent Congress from funding the Ukrainian war effort,” Mr. said. Jeffries said. “That was a reality we faced that would be very difficult to overcome.”
A first challenge for the top Democrat in the House of Representatives arose after Hamas’ brutal attack on Israel in October. Mr Johnson seized the opportunity to try to quickly push through aid to Israel without helping Ukraine or humanitarian aid to Gaza. Had the measure become law, it could have ultimately halted Ukraine’s funding.
This represented a difficult decision for many Democrats who wanted to demonstrate their loyalty to Israel but did not want to abandon Ukraine. They were also angry that the speaker tried to pay for the aid by paying for it from Democrats supported IRS enforcement cut. In the end, only twelve Democrats in the House voted for it, signaling to the Democratic majority in the Senate that they should block it and continue pushing for the money for Ukraine.
Mr. Jeffries said that Democrats in the House “understood that the Senate might never get to a point where comprehensive national security legislation could be passed if Johnson were to be left behind in his efforts to restrict funding and humanitarian aid to Ukraine.” to undermine would succeed.”
For months, Mr. Jeffries consulted with the speaker and with Sen. Mitch McConnell, the Republican and minority leader from Kentucky. He also took part in meetings and conference calls at the White House, where he joined Mr. Biden and Sen. Chuck Schumer of New York, the majority leader, in keeping up the pressure on Mr. Johnson over Ukraine. They wanted to convey to him the urgency of the moment from a global perspective, a message that ultimately seemed to carry some weight.
Mr. Turner, after speaking with Mr. Jeffries in Munich, also took it upon himself to reinforce the idea that Democrats would be there for the speaker if he acted. Appearing on CBS News’ “Face the Nation” on March 31, Mr. Turner reiterated that Mr. Jeffries “has made it absolutely clear that he will not align with the rebels on the Republican side to defeat Speaker Johnson in this.” to bring the matter down.”
The latest push came over the weekend when Iran launched its attack on Israel. Mr. Johnson had returned from a meeting with former President Donald J. Trump in Florida, where Mr. Trump supported him and said he recognized the speaker had few options with such a slim majority. Mr. Johnson and Mr. Jeffries had a one-on-one meeting in which they agreed on the need for action, and both participated in a conversation with Mr. Biden and other members of Congress.
While Mr. Johnson showed his willingness to move forward, he made a final case for tying aid to border security provisions, an idea that was quickly rejected by Mr. Jeffries and the other Democratic leaders after Mr. Trump rejected an earlier bipartisan proposal that would strengthen the border included, had blown up measures.
In the end, Democrats in the House of Representatives delivered both the votes necessary to push the foreign aid package out of the critical Rules Committee, citing a right-wing obstruction, and the majority of votes to pass the Ukraine aid bill itself – which is equivalent to a majority The Republicans were against it. The votes were another example of the de facto coalition government that has led Congress through major struggles over the past 18 months.
Now Mr. Jeffries and House Democrats may have to bail out the speaker again, a prospect that could save the House from further chaos but could also potentially weaken the speaker if he is seen as a debtor to Democrats.
“Republicans have to sort this out themselves,” Jeffries said. “The reality of this particular Congress is that we are working in concert with a bipartisan governing coalition to get things done for the American people.”
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2024-04-29 20:06:28
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